Resumen: El pensador boliviano Ren&233 Zavaleta Mercado analiz&243 en su obra el fracaso de las elites bolivianas para configurar un Estado nacional, su incapacidad de asumir una tareaUnidad Democrtica y Popular (UDP), had served as president twice before. Paola Daniela De la Rocha Rada. Estado y estatalidad en Ren&233 Zavaleta Mercado y &193 lvaro Garc&237 a Linera.
![]() 6 Socialism was still in some sense a means to a nationalist end however, Zavaleta now believed it had to be carried out by the workers movement with its own political party. By the early 1970s, however, the theoretical problematic of his revolutionary nationalism had given way to a deeper engagement with Marxism, culminating in his 1973 book El poder dual, influenced by his experiences with the Bolivian Popular Assembly in 1971, in which Zavaleta had returned from exile to participate, and Allende’s Unidad Popular in Chile, where he had fled for his second exile after the collapse of the Assembly and the overthrow of Juan José Torres’ “revolutionary” military government.The turn from revolutionary nationalism to Marxism that was established in El poder dual implied, on the one hand, a theoretical departure in Zavaleta’s conception of a historical subject, which he now located in the working class rather than the nation, and on the other hand, a political continuation of his focus on national self-determination. 5The relationship between socialism and national self-determination would concern Zavaleta throughout the rest of his life. The tense nationalist revolutionary project thus met its end in 1964 through a coup led by General René Barrientos. But Zavaleta was the exception, and as the economic crisis of the 1960s worsened, the MNR lost its grip. 4The workers’ movement, while autonomous and well organized into a national Centro Obrero Boliviano, was not powerful enough to push forward a socialist resolution without support from within the ideologically hegemonic ruling party. Since the character of a given social whole, as both a material setting and an object, conditions the kind of knowledge that social science can produce both of and within it, Zavaleta asks: what kind of knowledge is proper to a sociedad abigarrada, or motley society, like Bolivia? And what are the possibilities to establish a kind of national unity when the state lacks an organic connection with the rest of society? The working class has an important role, for Zavaleta, in any possible resolution to these questions: it provides a material link to modernity, revealing through its participation in capitalist productive relations a horizon of knowledge and politics that exceeds the limitations of its broader material situation. It is precisely the non-totalized articulation of social formations like Bolivia and Chile that present both a political and an epistemological challenge for Zavaleta in the 1970s. 9This focus on the local analysis, which he then brings to bear on the contingencies of the “embryonic” dual power scenarios in Bolivia and Chile, means sharp attention to the concrete terrain of class struggle, as well as to an emphasis on the overdetermination and articulation within social formations. 8 He opposes this definition, attributed to the precise “localism” of Lenin, to a Trotskyist interpretation that he considers abstract and overly capacious. The class subjects do nothing but reproduce the conditions of their conduct in that crucial moment.” 12 Moments of crisis, then, can also become constitutive, where multiple overdetermined causal relations burst into relief and are then potentially re-organized on the basis of political intervention.The “epistemology of social crisis” underlies all of Zavaleta’s late works, including the following translation, “Problems of Dependent Determination and Primordial Form,” originally published in 1982. 11 It was also linked, for Zavaleta, to the very crisis of 1952 that continued to govern social relations, despite the various changes in the state apparatus: “In a certain way, the subsequent history of Bolivia is nothing but the development of the characteristics of the crisis of 1952. The role of worker and peasant protest in the 1979 political crisis of the Banzer military dictatorship, installed after 1971, revealed the resilient constituent power the popular classes. If the working class as a subject provided some basis for insight into sociedades abigarradas, moments of crisis were essential conjunctures by which to understand them. Team fortress 2 on steam crashing for mac usersHowever, Zavaleta often avoids defining these concepts, or does so only briefly. This tight constellation of ideas serves the author’s goal to identify variables and relationships in the constitutive moment/crisis of a given socio-economic formation. It also shares key concepts that had become central to his thought: surplus, state optimum, social receptivity, social democratization, and, indeed, the titular notion of primordial form. Rene Zavaleta Mercado Lo Nacional-Popular En Bolivia Series Of OtherSurplus, elaborated on the basis of Paul Baran’s use of the term, has the potential to create receptivity if distributed among the masses, and support a state in which “ideological inflections predominate over the repressive factum,” and “democratic mediations substitute or hide the traditional forms of domination.” 13 This concept is significant for the trajectory of post-colonial states, as their natural resources constitute a kind of surplus, for Zavaleta, that may be lost through foreign domination, squandered by ruling classes, or used to construct a more democratic integral state.The level of integration between a state and civil society, potentially reached through the political use of a surplus, is the level of the social optimum, which Zavaleta links to a series of other terms that similarly indicate such an integration:Historic bloc, socio-economic formation, state axis – these are all meanings that refer to the same thing, the successful or frustrated, high or low, relation between state as summum of all the issues of power and civil society as the collection of material conditions in which this power is managed. Social receptiveness, or disponibilidad, denotes the openness within a society to this kind of ideological adjustment, a material condition of availability to ideological interpellation. He invokes the concepts listed above to make sense of such moments.
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